Democracy curriculum - Youth Democracy Cohort

How Young People Are Redefining Political Participation

gj — Mon, 20 Apr 2026 10:05:10 +0000

Young people are mobilising more than ever before for democracy. Hopes are high that the young can act as a democratic catalyst to turn back the powerful wave of authoritarianism across the world. But is this really possible? This report examines what is driving young people to mobilise, how powerful their engagement is, and what kinds of political participation they are developing. Much is written about youth participation; this report gives the word to young people from around the world to let them speak on these issues. They correct some of the conventional wisdom about youth political participation and reveal the complex dynamics of young people’s role in and for democracy today.

The issue has become vitally important. The year 2025 witnessed a surge in youth-led protests, mainly associated with Generation Z, and many revolts have continued into 2026. The large-scale mobilisation of young people has reignited debates on political representation, participation, resilience, and democratic renewal. Common patterns emerge across countries that have witnessed youth-led mobilisations over the past year, despite the diversity of the contexts. Limited economic opportunities, persistent inequalities, restrictions on civic freedoms and expression, and entrenched political elitism all contribute to mounting frustration among young people.

Despite much comment and analysis, the critical question remains insufficiently explored: are current political systems, institutions, and governance models open and responsive to youth participation?

There might be no single answer as to whether increased youth political participation directly strengthens and sustains democracies. But one principle stands firm: inclusive democracy depends on broad societal engagement, including from the largest age cohort globally – young people.^[i] Yet political representation of the younger generation remains disproportionately low, and not just because of increasing disillusionment with politics among young people. Despite the youth’s demographic strength, political systems are often closed, exclusionary, and at times openly resistant to meaningful youth participation.

Entering political spaces can be extremely challenging for young people, who face a range of structural and cultural barriers. These include the high costs, both monetary and non-monetary, of running for office; age-related eligibility restrictions; closed or unfair electoral processes; gender inequality; and sociopolitical environments that are often unsupportive of or discouraging to youth leadership.^[ii] These intersecting obstacles significantly reduce young people’s motivation and the appeal of formal political engagement.[iii]

This report dissects the different ways in which young civic and political actors are responding to these challenges. It offers an unprecedented range of case studies from all world regions, undertaken by young experts close to these debates. The report challenges the view of young people as a homogeneous group of disillusioned and disengaged citizens. It points instead to a variety of forms of youth-led political participation and explores the implications of these strategies for democratic change. Young people emerge as a democratic catalyst, but not necessarily in the ways often assumed to be the case.

The power of data: the Global Youth Participation Index

This report flows from a new index designed to highlight trends in youth participation. Recognising the essential value of research and data for driving change for youth participation, the European Partnership for Democracy (EPD) launched the first-ever Global Youth Participation Index (GYPI) in 2025. The GYPI tracks and compares data on youth participation from 141 countries across four dimensions: political affairs, the socioeconomic context, elections, and civic space. According to the index, low scores, particularly on the political affairs dimension, are not limited to regions where democracy is new or fragile but are a global phenomenon.^[iv]

The GYPI does not show uniform disengagement, which is often assumed to be the main feature of young people’s attitudes to politics. Rather, the trends are nuanced and varied across contexts. In many places, apparent disengagement from traditional forms of politics has been challenged by other forms of participation whose democratic potential has been ignored or undermined.

Across these alternative forms, many turn to informal spaces, particularly social media and other digital platforms, to express their views, organise, and mobilise. Online engagement has significantly expanded the opportunities for youth participation, but it also poses considerable risks and threats. Digital spaces are not safe from the rapid spread of radical, extremist, and populist narratives, many of which deliberately target young people’s vulnerabilities.

All of this is happening in the context of rapidly shrinking and even closing civic space. Another important finding of the GYPI is that civic space tends to be more open to youth participation than do political affairs or elections. Research also shows that young people have been experiencing a move from apathy to antipathy, as the young seem to be increasingly embracing illiberal preferences and hostility towards democratic institutions whose structures and performance are no longer deemed adequate to respond to young citizens’ needs.[v]

Lessons and insights

To complement the GYPI with qualitative research, the EPD commissioned case studies from members of our Young Researchers’ Network. Their 12 chapters provide a rich breadth and depth of information and examples that shed new light on youth participation.^[vi]

The following studies weave together research and policy findings on youth engagement. They lay out recommendations to promote and sustain a meaningful and transformative approach to youth participation in both formal and informal decision-making. The case studies offer diverse, thought-provoking, and timely reflections on the challenges and opportunities of youth engagement in different contexts. From the studies, five key messages and insights emerge.

First, all contributions point to the need to move beyond the simple question of whether young people engage, and instead to focus on how youth engagement takes place and why it assumes particular forms. This shift in perspective allows for a more nuanced understanding of the drivers, modalities, and motivations that underlie youth participation.

Second, the contributions suggest a mixed picture with regard to the claim that young people prefer informal forms of engagement over mainstream political participation. While some authors do highlight this tendency, others reveal an increasing willingness among young people to challenge thestatus quo by seeking to transform political channels and institutional structures from within.

Third, several of the challenges identified in the contributions operate at the macro level, whereas others are rooted in the micro-context of specific national settings. This duality underscores the importance of engaging simultaneously with broad, structural trends and specific local realities.

Fourth, the case studies demonstrate that the role of a specific regime – or the broader political context under analysis – is more significant in explaining variations in outcomes than are the differences between young people and other segments of the population. In other words, contextual political factors often outweigh generational divides in shaping patterns of engagement.

Last but not least, an in-depth reading of the contributions highlights a paradox. On the one hand, survey data indicates that a growing number of young people are drawn towards illiberal values, parties, and/or regimes. On the other hand, illiberal regimes often impose such restrictions on youth engagement that they push young people towards more radical positions in defence of fundamental liberal rights. These two dynamics coexist and interact, dispelling an overly simplistic narrative that portrays young people as moving inexorably and uniformly closer to authoritarianism.

Case studies

The report presents the following 12 case studies, which explore the diverse layers and angles of youth participation.

Dércio Tsandzana analyses Mozambique’s #PovoNoPoder movement and its online engagement to challenge the narrative of the country’s young people as passive, instead portraying them as closely involved outside the traditional political system. However, Tsandzana also highlights the contradictions and non-linear evolution of this youth engagement, bringing to the fore the valuable contributions of young Mozambicans through digital activism.

Mehmet İlhanlı discusses how the securitisation of young people in Türkiye, which intensified after the 2013 Gezi Park protests, has constrained and reshaped their political engagement. According to İlhanlı, young people are the demographic most affected by the country’s democratic decline, as they are being excluded, stigmatised, and securitised. Despite young people’s efforts to seek alternative spaces for political expression and activism, their continued stigmatisation by the government will have a profound negative impact on Türkiye’s democratisation.

Obaa Akua Konadu-Osei writes about the cost of politics in Ghana, with a particular focus on the intersection between youth and gender as well as the way in which access to financial resources creates a barrier to parliamentary aspirations. The case study highlights the fundamental challenges young Ghanaians face in fully entering democratic channels, even when they are highly engaged and mobilised in the country’s political landscape. Such obstacles, according to Konadu-Osei, are similar for women and youth, implying a need to rethink political-party funding to give young people fairer access to the political system.

Ajda Hedžet investigates the Free El Hiblu 3 campaign to explore how young migrant men claim their voice from the margins of systems that often silence them. The case highlights the limits of institutional recognition, the criminalisation of young migrants, and the digital struggle for justice. It illustrates how political agency and demands for justice are enacted outside formal institutions. The campaign underscores that Europe’s migration governance is both a site of contestation and a front line for democratic renewal.

Olga Paredes Brítez carries out a comparative analysis of municipal youth policies in Buenos Aires (Argentina) and Asunción (Paraguay). Both municipalities have adopted a vision of young people as “adults in the making” – an adult-centric approach that hinders the recognition and empowerment of young people as full political subjects. The case study provides an additional layer of analysis through the perspective of municipal-level youth engagement and discusses the decentralisation and municipalisation processes in the two countries.

Oripha Chimwara explores the impact of Zimbabwe’s quota system of reserved parliamentary seats for young candidates in creating positive ripple effects for youth engagement in the country. Chimwara also analyses the obstacles to young Zimbabweans’ political participation that remain despite this positive step: administrative hurdles, the cost of politics, and a pervasive patronage system.

Mark Ortiz examines intergenerational politics through the 1970 United Nations (UN) World Youth Assembly, highlighting the complexities of youth representation and the lessons for multilateral engagement today. Ortiz compares this gathering with the UN’s 2024 Summit of the Future, where meaningful youth participation was central in reflecting commitments in the UN’s Youth2030 strategy. The two cases illustrate the enduring impact of youth leadership on the ethos and practice of multilateralism.

Ellie Catherall analyses how and to what extent young people’s voices were represented and included in the drafting of Chile’s 2023 proposed constitution. The analysis shows that despite young people’s view that a new constitution should be representative of Chilean society, the dominance of right-wing parties in the drafting process meant the status quo was maintained. Besides this exclusion of youth voices, young Chileans also felt increasingly detached from the process because of a lack of reliable and impartial information.

Wasal Naser Faqiryar describes how young people in Afghanistan are finding alternative channels to express their grievances, ideas, and dreams to counter the oppressive grip of the Taliban regime. Faqiryar identifies art and other creative forms of expression as fundamental avenues that remain possible, as they pass under the radar of the regime’s control. The chapter also discusses social media as an important platform for the amplification and diffusion of the concerns, needs, and desires of young Afghans.

Ambar Kumar Ghosh presents the importance of youth representation in the democratic life of India, a country with a large young population. The analysis looks at the most significant challenges for young Indians in engaging in parliamentary politics: the cost of politics, the role of established parties in nominating young candidates, disillusionment about political careers, the pervasiveness of dynastic politics, and gender disparities. Ghosh argues that granting young people access to legislative politics would have a positive impact on India’s governance structures.

Dechen Rabgyal explains the minimal engagement of Bhutan’s young people in traditional politics through the lens of democratic elitism. Rabgyal shows how despite civil and democratic programmes equipping young Bhutanese to run for office, a requirement for parliamentary candidates to have at least 10 years’ professional experience reproduces inequalities and excludes a significant portion of Bhutan’s young people from the country’s legislature. The case study highlights the importance of adopting a more realistic approach to ensuring youth engagement.

Finally, Intifar Chowdhury writes about the evolving political relevance of mainstream parties in Australia, analysing how younger generations, disillusioned with traditional parties, are moving away from them. Chowdhury highlights a disconnect between the political priorities of younger voters and traditional political parties, which creates a risk of dealignment. In addition, the chapterexamines how young Australians are more closely linked to issue-based politics, on topics such as climate change, education, and housing, than to traditional party-political divisions.

These case studies aim to spark important discussions of the multiple layers and dimensions of youth political participation. Beyond highlighting diverse experiences and approaches, they provide insights that can inform research and advocacy for more meaningful youth involvement. We encourage readers to engage with these studies, which can support efforts to strengthen young people’s agency and influence. In an age when so much hinges on youth participation, this report gives a voice to a unique range of young writers from around the world to shape these debates.

Ana Mosiashvili is a research and programmes manager at the European Partnership for Democracy (EPD).

Sara Canali is a doctoral researcher at Ghent University and UNU-CRIS.

Explore the Full Study

The Young Researchers’ Network is an initiative developed in the framework of the European Democracy Hub and EPD’s Women and Youth in Democracy WYDE Civic Engagement project, supported by the European Union.

Get to know the 12 Young Researchers

^[i] “United Nations Sustainable Development Goals”, United Nations, https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/youth/.

^[ii] “Cost of Politics”, Westminster Foundation for Democracy, https://costofpolitics.net/.

[iii] Gerardo Berthin, “Why Are Youth Dissatisfied with Democracy?”, Freedom House, 14 September 2023, https://freedomhouse.org/article/why-are-youth-dissatisfied-democracy.

^[iv] Brit Anlar et al., “The Global Youth Participation Index: Report 2025”, European Partnership for Democracy, 2025, https://gypi.studiopompelmoes.eu/assets/images/GYPI-Final-Report.pdf.

[v] Roberto Foa and Yascha Mounk, The Danger of Deconsolidation: The Democratic Disconnect (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Kennedy School, 2019).

^[vi] “The Young Researchers’ Network”, Youth Democracy Cohort, https://youthdemocracycohort.com/the-young-researchers-network/.

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Development for Peace Education (DPE) Project

Selma Draoui — Thu, 13 Feb 2025 16:01:30 +0000

The WYDE Civic Engagement project complements its activities at global and regional levels with ad-hoc country-level support. The overall aim of the Quick-Impact Actions (QIAS) is to provide urgent and strategic support to local actors working on youth political inclusion and participation, always upon request of the relevant EU Delegation.

Based on the specific objectives determined in close cooperation with EUDs, the most appropriate local actor(s) are identified and selected to implement the QIAs. This is done either through a direct technical intervention or an action grant, awarded directly or through a restrictive call for proposals, depending on the urgency of the need, the political calendar, and the potential to generate positive changes in youth participation.)

Background

The Development for Peace Education (DPE) project aims to increase youth participation in Lesotho’s democratic processes by addressing key barriers to voter registration, particularly among underserved populations. Despite continuous voter registration, many young people remain unregistered due to lack of access to National ID cards, geographic isolation, and voter apathy fuelled by misconceptions about the electoral process. This project integrates civic education with direct voter registration initiatives to overcome both logistical and informational challenges.

Project Overview

Civic Education: Educate at least 10,000 young people aged 18–35 across five districts (Mafeteng, Mohale’s Hoek, Quthing, Qacha’s Nek, and Thaba Tseka) by March 2025 to raise awareness of the importance of voting.
Registration Awareness: Partner with the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) for 25 community outreach events, ensuring 70% of participants understand the voter registration process.

Expected Impact

Civic Education: Educate at least 10,000 young people aged 18–35 across five districts (Mafeteng, Mohale’s Hoek, Quthing, Qacha’s Nek, and Thaba Tseka) to raise awareness of the importance of voting.
Registration Awareness: Involve the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) and community leaders to organise for 25 community outreach events, ensuring 70% of participants understand the voter registration process, dispelling myths about election rigging and highlighting the role of inclusive electoral structures

About Development for Peace Education (DPE)

Development for Peace Education (DPE) is a civil society organisation rooted in Christian values, dedicated to empowering grassroots communities in Lesotho through dialogue, peace education, and collective action, enabling them to define and drive their own development and governance.

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NIMD Democracy School – Kenya

Selma Draoui — Thu, 22 Aug 2024 13:51:53 +0000

NIMD’s Democracy Schools provide unique opportunities in fostering political engagement and promoting democratic leadership among young people. The purpose of these innovative education programmes is to equip young leaders with the knowledge and skills needed to contribute effectively to political life, foster commitment to democratic values, and contribute long-term to positive change.

Kenya’s Democracy School aims to amplify youth from marginalised communities and those abled differently to actively participate in political and public life and equip them to create a conducive environment for young people’s political participation. Young leaders from political parties and civic spaces are gaining crucial insights into democratic processes, political participation, and communicating their agenda effectively. The School includes young people from multiple political parties and civil society organisations, including Badili Africa, ELF and the National Youth Senate. These CSOs engage diverse youth, including students transitioning to university, community leaders, and creatives/influencers. The participants co-create the topics, and the facilitators are national experts on the relevant topics.

The Kenya Democracy School is tailored to Kenyan laws and policies, considering policies targeting youth and the scope in which they affect youth political parties, CSOs, and universities and their participation in political and public affairs. The Kenya Democracy School brings together diverse young people in 12 days, split over two intense semesters with digital engagements in between. The retreat-style approach enables young people of all ages to foster a culture of dialogue amongst each other. Kenya Democracy School is implemented by the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy as part of the WYDE programme, with support from the Westminster Foundation for Democracy and Demo Finland.

NIMD aims to offer the participants of the Kenya Democracy School the necessary skills and knowledge to navigate their areas of work and achieve meaningful political participation. The Kenya Democracy School is an intense training programme with a strong focus on trust-building through dialogue. The modules include but are not limited to Leadership and Ethics, Kenyan Political History, Media, Communication, and Advocacy, Gender and Inclusion, Dialogue, Personal Wellness, and Policy formulation and Legislation, and Regulatory Frameworks. In addition to these modules, the learning trajectory includes mentorship from influential figures, Political Cafes/Siasa Connects for peer learning among Democracy School participants open to the public, and cross-border regional networking.

Multi-party and cross-sector trust-building is at the core of the Kenya Democracy School. For this reason, extracurricular activities, such as movie nights and board game evenings, alongside the modules are essential in fostering a community among the participants.

Kenya’s Democracy School

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NIMD Democracy School – Uganda

Selma Draoui — Thu, 22 Aug 2024 12:00:55 +0000

Uganda’s Democracy Academy (UDA) is a unique platform that unites individuals from diverse political backgrounds and regions to hone the skills, knowledge and network required to become exemplary democratic political leaders. The rigorous 18-day programme commences in July and concludes in September. UDA includes two semesters of eight days, held in a retreat-style setting. The programme marked a significant milestone in the journey of young people, representing seven political parties and various national youth structures, including the National Youth Council (NYC), Uganda Students Association (UNSA), and Uganda Parliamentary Forum on Youth Affairs (UPFYA).

UDA is tailored to Uganda’s complex political landscape, with a curriculum that combines theory and practice. The participants were consulted to determine the topics, and the facilitators were national experts on the relevant topics.Through continuous peer engagement and a strong emphasis on building trust, participants found themselves sharing that they were “united in diversity,” with political party and regional differences fading away. The programme maintains contact with the participants even after leading UDA through a masterclass and other activities to ensure long-term impact and follow-up. UDA has shifted the focus among the participants from noisy politics to idea-driven. It has been instrumental in drawing out and developing the leadership skills and qualities of young leaders. UDA has laid a solid foundation for nurturing well-informed and empowered leaders dedicated to promoting democratic principles and driving positive change in Uganda.

The engagement with the alumni continues after completing UDA to ensure follow-up and sustainability of the programme. Uganda Democracy Academy is implemented as part of the WYDE programme by the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy with support from the Westminster Foundation for Democracy and Demo Finland.

The Uganda Democracy Academy curriculum is modular and delivered by Ugandan professional facilitators who are knowledgeable about the subject matter. The modules are based on the needs of the participants, identified through a pre-survey. The facilitators have undergone training to ensure active and creative adult learning, which involves group work, debates, lectures, personal stories and film. The participants received training that is critical for their leadership and political careers. These modules include Good Governance, Constitutionalism, and Rule of Law; Leadership; Nationalism, Pan-Africanism and Regional Integration and Geopolitics; Political Theory and Social Contract; Gender and Disability Inclusion and Constituency Management.

Beyond the classroom, extracurricular activities such as the nature walk, early morning drills, campfire conversations, and (spirited) football matches with the local community in Kalangala fostered camaraderie and networking among the cohort. Fireside discussions and debates on pressing political issues, including regional integration and Uganda’s rich history, ignited intellectual discourse and broadened participants’ perspectives.n, 1901-1942)

Uganda Democracy Academy

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The Liberia Youth Elections Project

Selma Draoui — Thu, 07 Mar 2024 11:23:14 +0000

Background

Liberia’s young people, aged 18-35, represent a significant yet underrepresented demographic in the nation’s political landscape, comprising over 60% of the population. Their voices have historically been marginalised in decision-making processes due to factors such as limited access to education and economic opportunities, a legacy of civil war trauma, and skepticism towards traditional political institutions.

Recognising this gap, the Liberia Youth Elections Project emerged as an innovative initiative to bridge the divide between young Liberians and their elected officials. This project aimed to empower young people in Liberia to actively participate in the political process, ensuring their concerns and priorities were heard and addressed by all presidential candidates in the 2023 elections. The project’s multifaceted approach included the establishment of the Inter-Party Youth Council, conducting surveys and focal group discussions to highlight youth concerns, facilitating the signing of the Buutuo Declaration symbolising youth commitment to peace and democracy, and hosting youth town halls with presidential candidates. These efforts fostered inclusive political dialogue and youth empowerment, contributing to a more responsive and inclusive political environment for Liberia’s young population.

Project Overview

The Liberia Youth Elections Project, funded by the European Union through the European Partnership for Democracy (EPD), was designed to engage and empower young people in Liberia’s political landscape. Through various initiatives such as the establishment of the Inter-Party Youth Council, conducting surveys and focal group discussions, facilitating the Buutuo Declaration, and hosting youth town halls with presidential candidates, the project aimed to amplify youth voices and promote their active participation in the democratic process. This program not only addressed the historical disenfranchisement of young Liberians but also fostered a sense of ownership and responsibility among the youth for the future direction of their country’s governance.

Expected Impact

The Liberia Youth Elections Project significantly contributed to amplifying youth voices in Liberia’s political landscape. Through the formation of the Inter-Party Youth Council, policy advocacy, and innovative initiatives like the YESR and Youth Impact Meter, young people are better represented, engaged, and empowered. The project’s multifaceted approach has fostered a more inclusive and democratic environment, paving the way for meaningful youth participation in governance.

About Federation Of Liberian Youth

The Federation of Liberian Youth – FLY is the umbrella Organization for all Youth in Liberia. It was estalished in 1978 through an act of National Legislation.

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Building democratic culture in young Nigeria through unconventional means

Selma Draoui — Wed, 22 Nov 2023 08:32:51 +0000

Nigeria

ABSTRACT

Having young people participate in civic life is important for democratic health. Know this: the Kimpact Development Initiative (KDI) started the Kimpact Democracy School (KDS) in 2020 to increase civic learning experiences, which have nearly vanished in conventional schools in Nigeria. Such experiences strengthen young people’s understanding of democratic principles. The KDS engages young people between the ages of 10-35. Its curriculum and summer camp offerings focus on improving young people’s skills and knowledge through training and mentoring. KDS has trained 615 young Nigerians on democracy, human rights, civic leadership and community organising using a ‘learning-by-doing approach’. In addition, the KDS offers participants practical, hands-on opportunities at relevant institutions, such as State Houses of Assembly, Election Management Bodies (EMBs) and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) working on civic education and action programmes. Alumni are encouraged to continue to engage their peers through the KDS Alumni Network. Two-thirds of the participants are now active in civic life, advocating for the implementation of pro-youth policies and demanding accountability from public officials.

PROGRAMME DESCRIPTION

Introduction

Globally, there is increasing recognition that young people’s involvement is vital for democratic progress and development. Nigeria has experienced recurring trends of shrinking civic space since 2015 – the gradual decline in civil liberties and in the rule of law. Since 2015, there has been a vicious crackdown on those social critics, bloggers and activists challenging impunity, official corruption and human rights abuses. The Twitter ban has added to the growing list of documented restrictions and human rights violations resulting from official behaviour. The #EndSARs protest in 2022 was a change in this trend. However, the Nigerian government repressed peaceful protests and froze the bank accounts of those at the forefront of the protest. Many peaceful demonstrators were detained illegally. These – and many more – have led to an increase in youth civic life apathy. Hence, the need for the KDS.

Numerous factors have made KDS one of Nigeria’s most important civic learning initiatives. These include:

Engagement with young people between ages 10-17 as they reach the age of enfranchisement.
Instilling democratic ideals in young people through unconventional means, such as summer camps, games and on-air democracy school.
A ‘learning by doing’ approach to training and mentoring participants – the KDS offers participants practical, hands-on opportunities at relevant institutions, such as State Houses of Assembly, EMBs and CSOs working actively on civic education and action programmes.
The KDS has an alumni network that aids further engagement and peer-to-peer learning.

What motivated the organisation or the informal movement to address the issue in the way described in the success story? What approach did they take and why?

The KDI’s mission is to inspire citizen-led democratic development. We know numerous civic education initiatives; however, we know these efforts often come very close to elections. Outside the times of elections, we believe civic learning should be continuous and systemic.

We have seen that the lack of civic knowledge reinforces youth apathy in civic life. Yet, the closing of civic space, public corruption and autocratic tendencies thrive on lack of participation. – Bukola Idowu, KDI Team Lead.The KDI hypothesises that if the capacity of young Nigerians on democratic ideals is strengthened, it will encourage young people to participate in civic life through high-quality and unconventional civic learning, given the erosion of democratic values and near extinction of civic learning in conventional schools. Then Nigeria will be able to have a thriving democracy, with young Nigerians holding their public officials accountable.

Case description

The anatomy of the KDS is in two parts. These include:

THE KDS BEYOND THE SCHOOL WALLS

The KDS engages young people between the ages of 10-17, focusing on mentoring this demographic on true democratic values. This is because most Gen-Z are oblivious to democratic history due to the gap in transferring knowledge and democratic history between the older and new generations. The KDS, through its curricula and summer camp, focuses on bridging these gaps through training and mentoring.

THE KDS- BUILDING NEXT-GENERATION LEADERS

In this phase, the KDS ensures that the capacity of young Africans is oriented towards active civic life, value-based democratic leaders and youth peacebuilders. The KDS admits individuals of voting age (18) to the upper limit of the youth category (35) into different training cohorts, depending on their preferences. This cohort includes:

Civic Leadership
Youth Peace and Security
Countering Authoritarian Influence.

In summary, the KDS next-generation leaders offer four types of activity:

Lectures from seasoned academia, elected leaders, lawmakers with track records, development experts and public policy advocates, all within and outside Africa.
Practical sessions (such as interactive role-play approaches).
Out-of-class learning (group assignments/internship/working visits).
Democratic research at the alumni network.

For example, following a lecture on the legislative process, in which the theory and processes have been explained, the participants are made to go on a study visit to the legislative house in the host state. Afterwards, they will simulate what they have learned on the field in class. This practical learning opportunity offers a guided first-hand experience at the legislative house. Participants are taken on a working visit to the plenary and enrolled for a legislative internship. Following training, the KDS groups its alumni to study a particular democratic challenge and develop practical solutions.

KDS has trained over 615 young Nigerians on democracy, human rights, civic leadership and community organising using her learning-by-doing approach. These alumni are encouraged to continue engaging their peers and work on keeping the cycle informed.

The KDS is about to produce a considerable number of next-generational civic leaders who will be at the forefront of nurturing and building a solid democratic culture in Nigeria. Most of the alumni are community mobilisers during the election, promoting voter education at the grassroots.

“KDI, you have left a significant mark in my life and introduced me to the long-searched solutions” – Daramola Kunle.

“KDS was an opportunity for me to learn, unlearn and relearn. I must say it is a turning point, and it is a well-thought-out program that puts all of us (participants) in a position to challenge the status quo.” – Fasoto Oludare.

The KDI has worked with facilitators from various international institutions, including IFES Arlington, IFES Nigeria, MacArthur Foundation and other Nigerian institutions such as INEC and the Legislature. Past cohorts of the KDS have been sponsored by donations from individuals who believe Nigeria’s future can only improve by investing in its youth.

OUTREACH

The KDS calls on interested young people to apply for the programme via social media platforms, flyers and the radio. The training of young people on legislative processes and the opportunity to simulate what they have learnt following the training resonated with the audience. Following the training, the beneficiaries could engage in public governance dialogue. The success stories were documented in our reports, and the number of reposts and re-tweets across social media platforms helped us reach a wide number and range of citizens.

RESOURCES

Although difficulties in accessing resources have posed a challenge to the operation of the KDS, there have been in-kind donations to support some of the KDS alumni. The innovative institution that the KDS set up to train young people on democratic governance is relatively new in the country and has limited access to funding. Individuals have been providing financial support to ensure its ongoing operation. However, there is a need for further resources to increase the number of young people being trained. The KDS supports gender equality and the inclusion of all marginalised groups. To be able to include more persons with special needs in the democratic school, the institution needs to be equipped to be able to provide training to all beneficiaries effectively.

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One World in Schools: Strengthening democratic resilience through Media and Information Literacy

Selma Draoui — Tue, 21 Nov 2023 16:10:51 +0000

Georgia

ABSTRACT

In 2020, People in Need (PIN) piloted a Media and Information Literacy (MIL) programme in four regions of Georgia, with a special focus on non-dominant ethnic groups and youth. Aiming to strengthen critical thinking and increase youth civic engagement, PIN used its well-proven One World in Schools (OWIS) methodology. The methodology is based on documentary film screenings, follow-up participatory exercises and spin-off activities to promote active citizenship. In line with PIN’s civil society and inclusive governance pillar, 11 local youth civil society organisations and Youth Houses carried out project activities and became MIL advocates in their communities. These organisations first acquired new skills in media literacy dissemination, which they immediately applied by organising a series of workshops. The workshops were held in Armenian, Azerbaijani or Georgian languages and 28 young people, women and older people from the target communities participated. As a result, 96% of participants improved their MIL skills and adjusted their behaviour on social media platforms. Importantly, the OWIS methodology empowered youth to take action, with 98% expressing their intention to promote MIL in their communities. The new knowledge and practical skills the youth gained from the workshops were translated into 22 community campaigns. A major success is that the youth continued to promote MIL after the project ended, through volunteering in civil society organisations and extra-curricular activities in their schools.

ENABLING FACTORS

One World in Schools (OWIS) – Since 2001, PIN has been working with teachers in the Czech Republic to develop interactive teaching materials – based on documentary films – that bring human rights and global citizenship education into the classroom. To date, more than 4,000 schools across the Czech Republic have adopted OWIS. The methodology is based on the power of real stories presented in an attractive audio-visual form, combined with reflection, interactive group exercises and discussions that develop critical thinking. OWIS builds on the momentum created by storytelling about the power of individuals who have contributed to positive change in society. The ultimate goal is civic engagement, supported by creating opportunities for young people to apply their skills, knowledge and enthusiasm in initiatives of their own design.

Well-chosen documentaries – Georgian project team worked closely with a local media expert and partner civil society organisations to select five documentaries that were relevant and appropriate for the target groups, taking into account the local cultural and social context.

OWIS toolkit adapted to local context – The key to transferring OWIS beyond Czech schools is to involve local experts in adapting the materials to the country’s context. This includes using real examples of fake news or referring to in-country resources and watchdog portals. Similarly, trainings for civil society organisations were led by local facilitators to ensure that the content resonated with the audience in Georgia.

Creativity with learning spaces – Due to COVID-19 restrictions, some activities had to be moved online. This naturally limited the engagement and enthusiasm of participants. However, it led to two unintended positive outcomes: 1) whole families often watched the documentaries and discussed the topic with their children; 2) capacity building for facilitators resulted in a permanent online course on Moodle, available in Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian languages.

PROGRAMME DESCRIPTION

In recent years, exposure to fake news and propaganda via social media and online sources has increased dramatically. This has highlighted the need for knowledge and tools to objectively analyse the myriad of information available. In Georgia, the situation is particularly complex for non-dominant ethnic groups. The intersection of the language barrier (lack of knowledge of Georgian), limited opportunities for learning and socialisation, and prejudices on the part of the Georgian majority make people – especially those of Azeri and Armenian origin – vulnerable to misinformation and foreign propaganda. Young people from non-dominant ethnic groups feel more isolated than their Georgian counterparts. Access to quality media and the ability to critically evaluate information are key to a functioning democratic society. By strengthening media literacy and civic engagement among youth, PIN contributes to the cohesion and resilience of societies against disinformation, propaganda and political manipulation.

In response to the needs identified, PIN – together with a local media expert – developed an OWIS package tailored to the Georgian context, and translated into Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian. The package included a MIL toolkit with session plans and five documentaries on social media, investigative journalism, political manipulation, disinformation and foreign propaganda. Representatives of partner youth civil society organisations and Youth Houses gained new knowledge about MIL, civic engagement, facilitation and mentoring to raise young people’s awareness of the many forms of media messages they encounter in their daily lives. Partner organisations applied new skills by facilitating a series of workshops based on the MIL toolkit. In addition, aspiring young participants received leadership training and, with the support of mentors and local journalists, designed and led community-based MIL initiatives.

The project aimed to increase media literacy and critical thinking skills among young people to enable them to participate in community affairs and democratic processes. Given the relatively low levels of MIL and the lack of learning opportunities in the country, it was expected that there would be an increase in MIL skills. However, two points need to be emphasised. Firstly, the selected documentaries and related workshops focused on practical skills and knowledge; for example, participants learned basic principles of verifying information, how to spot fake news, and which independent and quality media outlets exist in Georgia. In the final evaluation, participants stated that they had applied new skills to their daily virtual lives.

“I think we have become more aware of our own rights, understood that information verification is essential, that you should respect the opinion of others. Everything that appears on the screen needs more in-depth reflection.” One of the project participants

Secondly, the OWIS workshops inspired the young participants to become active in promoting MIL in their communities. They shared their shock at the information they learned from the documentaries and welcomed the opportunity to design and implement awareness raising projects. The final 22 community initiatives, such as a series of workshops on personal safety on social media in schools, awareness-raising campaigns on the COVID 19 pandemic and an informative exhibition in the municipal cultural hall, reached more than 7,500 people. In addition, young people spontaneously shared their new knowledge with family members, classmates and friends. Overall, the programme has significantly raised awareness of MIL issues in the target communities and increased interest among young people and women in voting, civil society and community engagement.

The post One World in Schools: Strengthening democratic resilience through Media and Information Literacy first appeared on Youth Democracy Cohort.

Supporting Eastern Salvadoran Youth: Transformative Democracy Bootcamps

Selma Draoui — Mon, 20 Nov 2023 08:13:28 +0000

El Salvador

ABSTRACT

In 2018, TRACODA created a training process, targeting youth from the eastern of El Salvador. Shortly after, in alliance with the Centre for Strengthening democracy, the organisations reshaped the vision of the process and launched ‘Democracy bootcamps’, which brought together young people aged 14-22. These adopted a new horizontal approach, focused on practical and daily life cases that can later transform into democracy problems in a society. The Bootcamp topics went from fake news to fighting corruption, and the reach was more than 5,000 citizens. The main reason for creating these democracy bootcamps was to fight the erosion of democracy and the lack of awareness among citizens as to how the government is stripping away their rights.

PROGRAMME DESCRIPTION

In El Salvador, democracy and the rule of law are particularly important, given the country’s history of authoritarian governments and corruption. Engaging with youth is crucial for promoting these values and encouraging the next generation to become responsible – and politically active – citizens. Democracy bootcamps offer a unique and effective way of doing this, as they provide hands-on learning experiences that help participants understand how these abstract concepts affect their daily lives. The idea arose from the recognition that training processes in general are boring, and usually adopt a vertical approach where the professor simply talks and the students listen. TRACODA saw the need to create a new and different approach using games, TikTok videos, memes and other resources to catch the full attention in problems that not necessarily are ‘tangible’ for the youth.

The bootcamps were developed by Luis V. Villaherrera, the co-founder and executive director of TRACODA, as a way of engaging youth who may not be interested by traditional training methods. They cover topics including democracy and the rule of law, transparency and corruption, fake news and disinformation, the electoral process as well as civic participation. Each theme includes practical case studies; for example, the theme of democracy and the rule of law begins with a rigged soccer match in which the corrupt referee declares the winner. Following the game, facilitators lead a discussion about the importance of rules and the impact of their absence in daily life, and the need for checks and balances to ensure fairness.

The bootcamps are designed for a broad audience and use a methodology that engages participants aged 12-55, regardless of their experience and knowledge of democracy, the rule of law and corruption. The programme was tested during 2020-2021 with over 2,500 participants, and received praise from both the youngest (12) and oldest (67) participants. In 2022, TRACODA plans to deliver 10 or more iterations of the bootcamps to over 1,000 participants, with revised content that includes more in-depth information on fake news and disinformation. Furthermore, this initiative helps to empower youth in different parts of the country, where people previously had little interest in topics such democracy and access to public information. Through the bootcamps, more than 100 participants have exercised their right to access information and have analysed that information in order to pressure local governments to become more transparent. One of the cohorts even created a smaller-scale version of the bootcamp in their own communities. Although these bootcamps do not fully solve all of society’s problems, they are a step in the right direction, raising citizens’ awareness of the importance of checks and balances, democracy and the rule of law in bringing about a diverse range of voices within a society.

The bootcamps have been incredibly successful in their unique approach to educating citizens on important topics, regardless of age or background. The goal is to create material that is easily understandable and engaging for all individuals, including those who may have previously considered the subject matter boring. The lack of interest in the state of democracy and its impact on daily life is a concern. Through these bootcamps, efforts are being made to increase the awareness and understanding of human rights. The approach is inclusive and aims to reach people from different backgrounds and ages to help them understand the importance of democracy and human rights. This helps to build a society where people are more aware of their rights and how to protect them. The bootcamps also play a crucial role in the development of active citizens, who can participate in the democratic process and hold the government accountable. Overall, they provide a valuable tool for promoting education, awareness and engagement in the democratic process.

TRACODA is the first led youth organisation working to enhance democracy, the rule of law and transparency through technological tools and unique methodology processes. TRACODA was initially funded in 2016; however, its legal recognition was finalised in 2018. TRACODA is always looking to create new concepts and initiatives. We have a track record on developing technological tools: in fact, Carlos Palomo (TRACODA’s co-founder), alongside Luis had developed technological tools such as GobData that helped uncover cases of corruption, nepotism and crossed nepotism. TRACODA is currently working on open data and creating digital tools to fight fake news and disinformation. It is also working with innovative leaders to enhance good practices with youth and citizens around El Salvador and in helping journalist and media outlets in sharing information. Furthermore, TRACODA is helping advance youth engagement in trying to recover civic spaces and counter polarisation.

The post Supporting Eastern Salvadoran Youth: Transformative Democracy Bootcamps first appeared on Youth Democracy Cohort.

Non-Formal Civic Education | ENGAGE

Selma Draoui — Tue, 14 Nov 2023 16:39:05 +0000

Global

ABSTRACT

‘Engaging a New Generation for Accessible Governance and Elections’ (ENGAGE) is a civic and political leadership course for young people with disabilities. It builds their leadership skills in their communities while providing hands-on community engagement experience. ENGAGE addresses the barriers that young persons with disabilities often face – usually a combination of ableism and ageism – when seeking to engage in civic and political life. It provides an opportunity to increase their knowledge of civic life and to build the skills needed to be leaders in their communities.

ENABLING FACTORS

Intersectional analysis to inform programme content: To understand the barriers to civic and political participation facing people with disabilities in each country, IFES undertakes an intersectionality assessment. This is a unique framework designed to engage people with overlapping social identities and determine a structured plan for achieving specific agreed goals. The assessment is then used to adapt materials and contextualise the programme to the relevant operating environment. In the ENGAGE pilot in 2018 in Dominican Republic, for example, the assessment revealed that young people with disabilities had less knowledge about the political structure of the country and avenues for engagement than those without disabilities. In Ukraine, it determined that an ENGAGE course tailored to the needs of young women with disabilities would help address an opportunity gap facing many for participating in political processes.

Partnering with local organisations and leaders: For each implementation, IFES also partners with local Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) and Organisations for Persons with Disabilities (OPDs) to ensure that the voices of young people with disabilities are reflected in the training materials. Local partners also help conduct outreach, identify participants and help train trainers. In Sri Lanka, the Center for Disability Education, Research and Practice at the University of Colombo led participant recruitment and selection and led the training, as they best understood the challenges and context. Support from Election Management Bodies ( EMBs, Election Management Bodies) also helps advance the programme. In Indonesia, the EMBs were supportive of both the programme and IFES’s OPD partner. In Bougainville, the Office of the Bougainville Electoral Commissioner facilitated the elections portion of the training. They supported the mock election by providing space and election materials for participants to practice voting, some of whom had not yet voted formally in an electoral event.

PROGRAMME DESCRIPTION

ENGAGE is a global tool that exemplifies the IFES approach to non-formal civic education. IFES partners with local organisations, contextualising content in specific countries or regions and reaching diverse groups of young people who neither engage in, nor have access to, institutional education settings. It is specifically designed for young persons with disabilities, who are often not considered for political participation and community engagement projects. It includes professional and personal development opportunities such as internships, community action projects and site visits to Parliaments, EMBs and other government authorities. To date, ENGAGE has reached 150 young people with disabilities and been implemented in the Autonomous Region of Bougainville and six countries around the world – the Dominican Republic, Indonesia, Guyana, Papua New Guinea (PNG), Sri Lanka and Ukraine.

KEY OUTCOMES

Local ownership

Working with local partners and young people has increased ENGAGE’s flexibility and its ability to adapt to different civic environments and across the electoral cycle. In IFES’ experience, OPDs, CSOs and youth-led organisations are often able to reach those people who may be excluded in democracy and governance programming. They are also able to work in closed and closing civic spaces. This often makes these and other local organisations the most effective in implementing programmes such as ENGAGE.

Adaptable actions

IFES adapts the programme, in coordination with partners, to respond to electoral events in the country. This can be in the immediate lead up to elections or between elections, as well as for global events – such as the COVID-19 pandemic – where a completely online version of the course was created. The context in which ENGAGE takes place also informs the content and opportunities for participants to engage in their communities following the programme.

Sustained youth engagement in civic and political life

As seen through IFES’ impact assessment in the Dominican Republic, as well as through its trainings globally, ENGAGE participants demonstrate increased political and civic engagement. This happens not only immediately after the course but also in the medium to long term, primarily because both the course content and the hands-on activities are built into the curriculum. In Sri Lanka, course participants met with CSOs and the national Election Commission, and took part in a mock election to put ENGAGE topics, such as electoral processes, disability rights and leadership, into practice. In Indonesia, despite the course being entirely online, participants took a virtual tour of the General Elections Commission (KPU), Indonesia’s national EMB. These, and interactive exercises embedded throughout the course, reflect the ‘learning-by-doing ‘approach that encourages active citizenship.

Youth-led community projects

In Guyana, several ENGAGE alumni applied for, and received, funding for community projects. One group worked jointly to raise awareness of sexual and reproductive health for youth with disabilities, who often do not have access to information about their rights. Another group worked to install guardrails for the school of the blind, and had meetings with the Ministry of Education to further earlier commitments made to improve access to education to the blind.

Sustained youth engagement in civic and political life

Following the course, alumni continue to engage in public life; attending city council meetings, participating in elections, running as candidates and advocating for disability rights, among other issues. Following completion of the Ukraine ENGAGE course, one alumna ran in the 2020 local elections and was subsequently elected to the Kyiv Oblast Council.

In the Dominican Republic, three ENGAGE alumni were hired by the Central Electoral Board (JCE) and City Hall; ENGAGE also inspired the JCE to create its first-ever Disability Inclusion Policy. In Bougainville, three ENGAGE alumni served as poll workers in the 2019 Bougainville referendum. One ENGAGE alumnus used his leadership skills to serve as interim director of the first OPD in Bougainville.

In Indonesia, ENGAGE participants generated a list of recommendations for the KPU, which the EMB used to develop infographics for voters in Jakarta with disabilities. Seven participants also completed internships with the KPU and the Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu), in order to continue their professional development. ENGAGE alumni also continue to re-engage in follow-on trainings. In Guyana, four alumni organised their own ENGAGE course for young people with disabilities; in PNG, the IFES trained ENGAGE alumni and members from the PNG Association of Disabled Persons to conduct election access assessments ahead of the 2022 national elections. The sustained engagement of ENGAGE alumni around the world stands as testament to the impact of the course on the long-term engagement persons with disabilities in civic and political life.

The post Non-Formal Civic Education | ENGAGE first appeared on Youth Democracy Cohort.